1 Ernst Haeckel, who coined the term ecology (1866), mobilized organic metaphors to describe social conditions, and started a long lineage of human ecological analysis, one that would ultimately drive a wedge between the natural sciences and the social sciences as the legitimacy of such unmediated trans-formulations was increasingly questioned. Human ecology would subsequently bifurcate into a dematerialized social ecology, primarily through the Chicago School, on the one hand, and industrial ecology on the other. The latter, moving increasingly in the direction of a variety of types of commodity chain or goods-flow analysis, would increasingly distance itself from relational social theory (Fisher-Kowalski 1998; 2003; Fisher-Kowalski and Huttler 1999; Newcombe 1977).

2 This statement, of course, does not mean that thought or languages are simply the epiphenomenon of "material" relations. On the contrary, very complex dialectical arrangements infuse the articulation of the real, the symbolic, and the imaginary (for different ways of exploring these articulations, see, for example, Zizek (Zizek and Daly 2003) or Lefebvre (1991) in the construction of the real.

3 Although Schmidt (1971) and Fisher-Kowalski (1998) maintain that Moleschott (1857)

provided the influential insights, this is convincingly rebuked by Foster (2000), who maintained that von Liebig (1840) was of central importance. In any case, the use of "metabolism" was widespread in the emerging social sciences at the time and both Marx and Engels were familiar with the ongoing scientific debates in biology.

4 This has become engrained in social theory since its founding fathers Durkheim, Weber, and a

"socialized" Marx.

5 While the Physiocrats were radically and correctly critiqued, the rational kernel of their mythical theorization was equally dismissed radically.

6 The first person apparently to suggest the circulation of blood in the arterial system was Ibn-

al-Nnafiz (physician, born in Baghdad and died in Cairo in 1288) (Illich 1986:40). The idea of circulation remained alien to the imagination of sixteenth-century Europeans. Two sixteenth-century scientists suspected what Harvey would later discover: Servetus (a Spanish genius and heretic burnt by Calvin—he also edited Ptolemy's geography in Lyon—and student of Vesalius in Paris) and Realdus Colombus of Padua (also student of Vesalius). Harvey was a student of Vesalius in 1603.


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